CrossCurrents A
Catholic Reflects on Faith in Our Times
# 169 Bernard F. Swain, Ph.D. www.CrossCurrents.us
A Tragic Anniversary
In December 2002, while planning a
Lenten series on Catholic social
doctrine I was to conduct in March 2003 for a parish in Amesbury, Massachusetts,
I proposed we include the Just War Theory as one eveningÕs topic. The planning committee
hesitated, thinking this topic might be too pessimistic for a devotional
program.
When I responded, ÒWhat if, by March, we
are at war?Ó the committee decided to go with the plan. And so I presented ÒJust
War TheoryÓ four years ago this week—the very week the U.S. invaded Iraq!
During my talk, I expressed my personal
view that the invasion could not meet a single one of the seven traditional Catholic
criteria for a just war.
Four years later, my view has been
confirmed many times over by the consequences of our unprovoked invasion: more
than 3,200 U.S. military deaths; unknown numbers of ÒcontractorsÓ—really
mercenaries—dead; nearly 50,000 U.S. military casualties, many of them
permanent mutilations; up to 20,000 veterans with MBI (massive brain injury),
many untreated; more than 130,000 Iraqi dead, mostly women and children; more
than 2 million Iraqis have fled Iraq, and now live in homeless exile;
widespread civil war within Iraq; Iraq transformed from a stable (though
brutal) secular society into a chaotic breeding ground for religious fanaticism
and terrorist action; the entire region destabilized, threatened by porous
frontiers and renewed conflicts among Moslem factions; Israel made more
vulnerable; an American Presidency derailed by failed war management; hundreds
of billions of dollars spent on destruction while urgent domestic and
international needs go unmet; our allies divided, our enemies united, our
reputation and moral standing and diplomatic leverage and military preparedness
all weakened. Small wonder that Retired Army Lt. Gen. William Odom, a Vietnam
veteran, has called the invasion of Iraq the Ògreatest strategic disaster in
United States history.Ó
How did this happen?
How did the U.S. start a war that could not be won by military means?
How could it invade a sovereign country, without provocation and over
international opposition, to engage in a conflict that, at its fourth
anniversary this week, has already lasted longer than our engagements in the US
Civil War, World War I, and World War II? How could we trap ourselves in a war
that might now last as long as Vietnam?
IÕm afraid the answer is tragically
simple: We never learned the lessons of Vietnam!
Many Americans, of course, began to learn
those lessons even while the war raged on in Vietnam. By 1968, for example, the
US Bishops had begun to realize that, however noble the cause in Vietnam, the
warÕs conduct was violating the principles of a just war and could no longer be
supported. By the early 1970s, most Americans believed the war had been a
mistake—but only after did they begin to understand its lessons for the
future.
But perhaps the most definitive long-range
view of VietnamÕs lessons came in 1994 from the man who had directed the war
effort to begin with, Robert McNamara, the Secretary of defense under John F.
Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson.
In his book In Retrospect, McNamara spends hundreds of pages recounting the
decisions that were made leading to war and conducting the war, and devotes a
final chapter to the lessons that America should have learned from its failure
in Vietnam—lessons that could help us avoid the same mistakes in the
future.
The First Lesson, says McNamara, is that the US should have clear
criteria for using military force and should understand that military force is
not an all-purpose remedy:
Above all, the criteria governing
intervention should recognize that, as we learned in Vietnam, military force
has only a limited capacity to facilitate the process of nation building.
Unfortunately for us, the invasion of Iraq
confirmed this lesson, for while it succeeded in dismantling SaddamÕs regime,
it failed miserably at maintaining and re-establishing national order. Armed
might is often helpless against powerful social, political, and religious
forces that fuel conflict.
The Second Lesson that McNamara cites is the need for multilateral
action and the necessity of avoiding actions that do not enjoy the broad
support of our allies. US decisions, he said, must be checked:
Against the willingness of other nations with comparable
interests to join in the decision, to assist in its implementation, and to
share in its costsÉWe should act only in a multilateral decision-making and
burden-sharing context.
In the case of Iraq, of course, the ÒCoalition
of the WillingÓ left out most of our major allies and, with the exception of
Britain, included merely token support. The fact is the US went to war over the
objection of most of its allies, the United Nations, the international
community, and Catholic Bishops the world over.
VietnamÕs Third Lesson, according to Robert McNamara, is that Òwe must
learn from Vietnam how to manage limited wars effectively.Ó He predicts most future wars will be Òlimited
warsÓ—wars where our most powerful weapons (nuclear weapons, for example)
cannot be used and where popular support will weaken if the war lasts too long,
costs too much, proves too deadly, or seems to be a losing cause. We should
never go to war unless all those limits are acceptable to everyone involved:
The American people must understand the
difficulties we will face; the American military must know and accept the
constraints under which they will operate; and our leaders—and our
people—must be prepared to cut our losses and withdraw if it appears our
limited objectives cannot be achieved at acceptable risks or costs.
The Fourth Lesson of Vietnam is that modern warfare is too unpredictable and
dangerous to take lightly. What McNamara
means is that we can no longer settle for trumped-up pretexts for war (Òweapons
of mass destructionÓ comes to mind!). We must instead exercise the self-discipline
and moral restraint to avoid the use of military action unless our national
security is at stake:
Finally, we must recognize that the
consequences of large-scale military operationsÉ are inherently difficult to
predict and to control. Therefore, they must be avoided, excepting only when
our nationÕs security is clearly and directly threatened.
Naturally, governments that go to war will
always argue that they are responding to a threat to rationalize their actions.
ThatÕs why this government has continued to connect the Iraq invasion to the ÒWar
on TerrorÓ even though there was
no connection until after the U.S. invasion created the vacuum that
Johnnie-come-lately terrorists have rushed in to fill. But, as the Òdomino
theoryÓ used to rationalize Vietnam proved, such rationalizations often
persuade a gullible public—and lead to disaster.
The slogan ÒThose who forget history are
doomed to repeat itÓ is true enough, but so is this: ÒThe lessons of history
come at a high price.Ó Remember, 50,000 Americans sacrificed their lives in
Vietnam—for what? Did we gain no wisdom from their suffering? Robert McNamara,
at least, gained wisdom in hindsight. Why couldnÕt we all? Why must yet another
generation of young have to suffer and sacrifice because those earlier sacrifices
were ignored?
The tragic truth: life is a brutal and
harsh taskmaster: either you LEARN then lessons of history—or you PAY the
consequences.
The whole point of the Catholic Òjust war
theoryÓ is to subject military action to moral judgments. It aims to brake the
engines of war—fear and hatred, greed and vengeance—by subjecting
them to prudential judgment about the causes and consequences of war. But our
ability to exercise such prudence—to be moral about war and avoid
mistakes in the future—depends on our ability to learn from mistakes in
the past.
If the war whose anniversary we observe
this week proves that we have learned nothing from past failures, then I fear
we will continue to fail again and again—and because weÕve failed to
learn these lessons, others will have to pay the price needlessly.
And so, for me, Robert McNamaraÕs closing words
in 1994 provide the only fitting way to observe the anniversary of our four
years of folly:
ÒThese are the lessons of Vietnam. Pray
God we learn them.Ó
© Bernard F. Swain PhD 2007
Send Your Comments and Questions to bfswain@juno.com
Dr. SwainÕs
opinions do not represent the views of this parish or any other official body.
Bernie Swain has
devoted more than 30 years to adult spiritual formation in dioceses in the US,
Canada, and France. Since 1991 he has maintained a private practice as trainer,
teacher, and consultant to leaders in parishes and other religious
organizations. He holds degrees in theology and political science from Holy
Cross, Harvard, The University of Paris, and The University of Chicago.
His writings include Liberating
Leadership (Harper & Row,
1986) and more than 200 articles in periodicals such as The National Catholic
Reporter, Commonweal, The Miami Herald, The Catholic Free Press, The Pilot,
Harvard Theological Review, and
Liturgy.
A lifelong layperson,
he lives in Boston with his wife and three children. Visit his website at:
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